In this thought-provoking interview, we engage with Professor Sylvester Odhion Akhaine, a distinguished Political Science scholar and a veteran activist whose journey has been shaped by a commitment to social justice and democratic principles. With a rich history of involvement in Nigeria’s pro-democracy movement and a deep understanding of the political landscape, Professor Akhaine shares his insights on the current state of Nigerian democracy, the challenges facing the education system, and his experiences navigating the complexities of power. He reflects on the legacy of past national heroes, the lessons learned from his political aspirations, and the pressing need for a transformative vision in the face of entrenched elite interests. Join us as we explore his perspectives on activism, governance, and the future of Nigeria.
Background
My name is Sylvester Odhion Akhaine, a Professor of Political Science and a former students’ union leader who served as the NANS Public Relations Officer in the 1991 session. I contested the UNILAG students’ union presidency in 1989 and have been involved in activism since 1986, participating in the Ango Must Go protest and subsequent actions by Nigerian students. I was central to these movements, providing ideological direction based on the NANS nationalist charter, which emphasized socialism and international solidarity with oppressed peoples worldwide, including the Cubans and the Polisario of Western Sahara.
Do you have any relationship with Chief Anthony Enahoro, who came from the same Esan you can be traced to in Edo State?
The point to make is that Enahoro wasn’t our contemporary. We learned about the heroism of figures like Chief Anthony Enahoro, Nnamdi Azikiwe, and more recently, Ola Oni and Eddie Madunagu. Their literature inspired us, although I didn’t have access to works like Enahoro’s Fugitive Offender until later. We recognized him as a first-class nationalist and journalist who moved the motion for Nigeria’s independence in 1953. My activism took a significant turn when I became General Secretary of the Campaign for Democracy in Nigeria and met him after his return from exile following General Sani Abacha’s death. He notably filed a suit against the Abacha regime during my detention, which lasted six months without anyone knowing my whereabouts. That connection is significant, although my ideological journey has been shaped by Marxist-Leninist principles since 1983, which instilled in me a disdain for societal oppression and a drive to articulate dissent.
Looking at your contributions to democracy in Nigeria, many will think your likes should be in power. Why are you not?
I don’t believe that’s the case. We did not address the core questions coherently. While we aimed for change within society, we didn’t envision ourselves holding power. Our discussions focused on power dynamics, class struggles, and radical educational initiatives, but we didn’t consider ourselves as candidates for power. Post-June 12, we pushed for a sovereign national conference to restructure Nigerian politics, advocating for a government led by MKO Abiola, indicating we didn’t see ourselves as part of that equation.
Is that a mistake on your part?
I hesitate to label it a mistake outright. Had we articulated a power project, imperialism would have sabotaged it, prolonging military rule. When people criticize us for not engaging in politics, I often laugh. The dynamics of imperialism favor military rule over a Marxist or leftist leadership that would challenge imperialist interests and extend solidarity to anti-imperialist forces. It simply wouldn’t have been feasible.
What do you feel about the current leadership and the state of the country?
I argued recently in my inaugural address that while Nigerian democracy has quantitatively expanded over two decades, its qualitative growth remains stagnant. Since 1999, no election has been free and fair; most have been riddled with contradictions, hindering democratic consolidation. Our fourth republic is dominated by some of the worst elites we’ve ever seen—individuals lacking ideological clarity and focused solely on primitive accumulation, neglecting any transformative agenda. We lack nation-building elites capable of unlocking the country’s wealth for the greater good.
You once signified interest in becoming the governor of your state, aligning with the ruling APC, a party that contrasts your activist principles. What inspired that decision?
Understanding the dynamics of the Nigerian state is essential. It’s illusory to think you can seize power from the current bourgeois clique. You need to find avenues to capture power and then revert to your revolutionary ideals to instigate change. There are forces from the pro-democracy struggle now in key government positions. I believed their presence would facilitate my emergence in Edo’s political landscape, but it didn’t materialize. It wasn’t wishful thinking; it was about the combination of opportunity and luck. Figures from the pro-democracy movement, such as Michael Opeyemi Bamidele and Bola Ahmed Tinubu, were involved in the anti-military struggle. I have connections with Professor Julius Ihonvbere, among others. The expectation was that these relationships would enable a progressive agenda, but their failure to support my candidacy taught me valuable lessons about navigating power in a bourgeois structure.
What are those lessons?
First, the current ruling clique is entrenched, and removing them requires substantial financial resources, a robust organization, and superior ideas—elements we possess. Building alliances is crucial; you can’t just assume power will come to you. Even if I lack the financial backing, there are those willing to invest in a credible candidate. However, bourgeois politicians won’t commit resources until they perceive victory as a certainty. Thus, learning to forge alliances is vital for addressing the power question in Nigeria.
What do you feel about the state of education in Nigeria, and how can we improve it?
The state of education has stagnated for decades, plagued by chronic underfunding, poor working conditions, and a lack of university autonomy. The ruling clique seems intent on deconstructing education, granting more licenses to private institutions while effectively pushing education into private hands. This shift restricts access to higher education, as tuition becomes unaffordable. Infrastructure-wise, Nigeria’s educational system is in disrepair. How many campuses rival Ife? Even Ife is deteriorating due to neglect, and TETFUND initiatives often feel like a caricature of meaningful improvement. Understaffing is rampant; I’ve marked 700 scripts when the NUC benchmark is 1/30. We’ve never met UNESCO’s recommended 26% funding allocation. We need to increase our financial commitment to education and back it with industrialization. Education should be decentralized in a federal system, allowing universities to develop their own admission policies and curricula instead of a single centralized approach dictated by the NUC.
How have you been inspiring upcoming generations of student activists through your role as a lecturer?
My approach to socializing students with progressive ideas occurs primarily in the classroom. I didn’t come to LASU for activism; my focus is on teaching and research. Having endured various struggles since 1983, I’ve engaged with students at different levels. Now at 51, I’m dedicated to imparting knowledge and was once tasked with reorienting students towards progressive ideals.
